RELACIONES DE LA CIA CON EL TRÁFICO DE DROGAS

http://www.filmaffinity.com/es/film936293.html

http://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gary_Webb



Gary Webb (31 de agosto de 1955 – 10 de diciembre de 2004) fue un periodista estadounidense que evidenció conexiones de la CIA en el mundo de la droga, revelando al mundo cómo los barrios negros del país fueron inundados de crack en medio de un tráfico destinado a abastecer de dinero y armas a la CIA. También denunció al Luis Posada Carriles y a sus cómplices cubanoamericanos involucrados en este criminal negocio. Todo esto está condensado en su libro Dark Alliance: The Book.



[th]Nacimiento[/th][th]Fallecimiento[/th]

31 de agosto de 1955

10 de diciembre de 2004 Caratulado como suicidio. Existen fundadas dudas de que lo fuera.[1

Gary Webb
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[th]Gary Webb[/th][th]Born[/th][th]Died[/th][th]Cause of death[/th][th]Education[/th][th]Occupation[/th][th]Years active[/th][th]Notable credit(s)[/th][th]Partner(s)[/th][th]Children[/th][th]Awards[/th]

Webb, c. 2002

Gary Stephen Webb August 31, 1955 Corona, California, U.S.

December 10, 2004(2004-12-10) (aged 49) Carmichael, California, U.S.

Suicide

Northern Kentucky University

Journalist, investigative reporter

1980–2004

Cleveland Plain Dealer Sacramento News & Review San Jose Mercury News

Susan Webb (now Susan Stokes)

3

Pulitzer Prize[1]

Gary Stephen Webb (August 31, 1955 – December 10, 2004) was an American investigative reporter best known for his 1996 Dark Alliance series of articles (about CIA involvement in cocaine trafficking into the US) written for the San Jose Mercury News and later published as a book. In the three-part series, Webb investigated Nicaraguans linked to the CIA-backed Contras who had smuggled cocaine into the U.S. Their smuggled cocaine was distributed as crack cocaine in Los Angeles, with the profits funneled back to the Contras. Webb also alleged that this influx of Nicaraguan-supplied cocaine sparked, and significantly fueled, the widespread crack cocaine epidemic that swept through many U.S. cities during the 1980s. According to Webb, the CIA was aware of the cocaine transactions and the large shipments of drugs into the U.S. by Contra personnel. Webb charged that the Reagan administration shielded inner-city drug dealers from prosecution in order to raise money for the Contras, especially after Congress passed the Boland Amendment, which prohibited direct Contra funding.
Webb's reporting generated fierce controversy, and the San Jose Mercury News backed away from the story, effectively ending Webb's career as a mainstream-media journalist. In 2004 he was found dead from two gunshot wounds to the head, which the coroner's office judged a suicide. Though he was criticized and shunned by the mainstream journalism community,^[2] in 2013 Nick Schou, a journalist writing for the LA Weekly who wrote the book Kill the Messenger, stated that Webb's reportage was eventually vindicated;^[3] since his death mainstream news organizations, such as the Los Angeles Times and the Chicago Tribune, have reversed course and defended his "Dark Alliance" series. Esquire wrote that a report from the CIA inspector general "subsequently confirmed the pillars of Webb's findings."^[4] Geneva Overholser, who served as the ombudsman for The Washington Post, wrote that major media outlets including the Washington Post had "shown more passion for sniffing out the flaws in the Mercury News '​s answer than for sniffing out a better answer themselves."^[5]

Biography[edit]

Early life[edit]

Webb was born to a military family in Corona, California. At 15 he began writing editorials for his suburban Indianapolis high school newspaper. At the height of the protests against the Vietnam War, he created his first controversy when he criticized the use of a female drill team to rally students for the war. Webb attended journalism school at Northern Kentucky University, where he was on the staff of student newspaper The Northerner, but dropped out. He started his professional career at the Kentucky Post, then worked as a statehouse correspondent for The Plain Dealer of Cleveland. Webb found a lifelong passion in investigating government and private sector corruption. In 1988 he joined the San Jose Mercury News as a staff writer. There, he helped expose freeway retrofitting problems in the 1989 Loma Prieta earthquake and wrote stories about computer software problems at the California DMV.^[6]

Dark Alliance[edit]

In August 1996 the San Jose Mercury News published Webb's "Dark Alliance", a 20,000 word, three-part investigative series which alleged that Nicaraguan drug traffickers had sold and distributed crack cocaine in Los Angeles during the 1980s, and that drug profits were used to fund the CIA-supported Nicaraguan Contras. Webb never asserted that the CIA directly aided drug dealers to raise money for the Contras, but he did document that the CIA was aware of the cocaine transactions and the large shipments of cocaine into the U.S. by the Contra personnel.^[7] Per Webb's request, all the documents he used to draw his conclusions were uploaded to the Mercury's website, Mercury Center, for all readers to see. Webb feared that, otherwise, he would be discredited by the government amidst claims of lack of evidence.^[8]
"Dark Alliance" received national attention. At the height of the interest, the version on the San Jose Mercury News website received 1.3 million hits a day. According to the Columbia Journalism Review, the series became "the most talked-about piece of journalism in 1996 and arguably the most famous—some would say infamous—set of articles of the decade."^[9] Webb reported that many African Americans who had never connected to the Internet before began using the Internet to see the coverage of this story.^[10]
Webb supported his story with documents obtained through the Freedom of Information Act, subsequently including a 450-page declassified version of an October 1988 report by CIA Inspector General Frederick Hitz. According to Webb and his supporters, the evidence demonstrates that White House officials, including Oliver North, knew about and supported using money from drug trafficking to fund the Contras, and they neglected to pass any information along to the Drug Enforcement Administration. The 1988 report by the Senate Subcommittee on Narcotics, Terrorism and International Operations of the Committee on Foreign Relations, led by Sen. John Kerry, commented that there were "serious questions as to whether or not US officials involved in Central America failed to address the drug issue for fear of jeopardizing the war effort against Nicaragua."^[11]

If we had met five years ago, you wouldn't have found a more staunch defender of the newspaper industry than me ... I was winning awards, getting raises, lecturing college classes, appearing on TV shows, and judging journalism contests. So how could I possibly agree with people like Noam Chomsky and Ben Bagdikian, who were claiming the system didn't work, that it was steered by powerful special interests and corporations, and existed to protect the power elite? And then I wrote some stories that made me realize how sadly misplaced my bliss had been. The reason I'd enjoyed such smooth sailing for so long hadn't been, as I'd assumed, because I was careful and diligent and good at my job ... The truth was that, in all those years, I hadn't written anything important enough to suppress ...

— Gary Webb^[12]

Immediately, denials began to emerge refuting assertions in "Dark Alliance". Reports in the Washington Post (October 4, 1996), Los Angeles Times, and New York Times (October 21), tried to debunk the link between the Contras and the crack epidemic.
The total of the Los Angeles Times reportage criticizing the Dark Alliance exceeded the length of the Dark Alliance itself, and the publication used anonymous intelligence officials as sources. The Los Angeles Times criticized the notion that the CIA intentionally tried to addict African-Americans on crack cocaine; the Webb articles did not make this assertion. Shelby Coffey III, the main editor of the Los Angeles Times, had assigned 17 reporters to expose any errors in Webb's story.^[13]
Post ombudsman Geneva Overholser agreed with critics that her paper's response to Webb's series showed "misdirected zeal" and "more passion for sniffing out the flaws in San Jose's answer than for sniffing out a better answer themselves."^[14] Years later, Richard Thieme argued in an opinion piece that the major news outlets focused on attacking Webb or less relevant parts of the story, leaving Webb's thesis largely intact.^[15] Overholser concluded there was "strong previous evidence that the CIA at least chose to overlook Contra involvement in the drug trade ... Would that we had welcomed the surge of public interest as an occasion to return to a subject the Post and the public had given short shrift. Alas, dismissing someone else's story as old news comes more naturally."^[16]
Robert Parry wrote that the Post's denunciation of Webb was ironic, because the paper "had long pooh-poohed earlier allegations that the Contras were implicated in drug shipments" but now "the newspaper was finally accepting the reality of Contra cocaine trafficking, albeit in a backhanded way."^[17]
Esquire wrote that Webb's stories had "copious citation of documents", while the articles from The New York Times used anonymous intelligence officials as sources.^[18]
In response to these attacks, Webb created a web site that contained primary documents, transcripts, and audio interviews. By January 1997, Webb's editors no longer contacted him about his stories. In March, Webb was informed that the paper was going to address the readers about his series. On May 11, 1997, Mercury News executive editor Jerry Ceppos published a column describing the series as an "important work" and "solidly documented" but criticized it on four grounds: reliance on one interpretation of complicated, sometimes-conflicting pieces of evidence; failing to estimate the amount of money involved; oversimplifying the crack epidemic; and creating impressions that were open to misinterpretation through imprecise language and graphics.^[19] Webb was reassigned to a suburban bureau 150 miles from his home. Because of the long commute he quit the paper in December 1997.
Webb alleged that the 1997 backlash was a form of media manipulation. "The government side of the story is coming through the Los Angeles Times, the New York Times, the Washington Post", he stated. "They use the giant corporate press rather than saying anything directly. If you work through friendly reporters on major newspapers, it comes off as The New York Times saying it and not a mouthpiece of the CIA."^[19] In 2004, Webb wrote a long piece, "The Mighty Wurlitzer Plays On", describing the role the Internet played in bringing the "Dark Alliance" story to international attention in 1996, and describing at length the backlash against the story, at first externally through the larger newspapers, later internally by the paper's editors:

I found myself involved in hours-long conversations with editors that bordered on the surreal.
"How do we know for sure that these drug dealers were the first big ring to start selling crack in South Central?" editor Jonathan Krim pressed me during one such confab. "Isn't it possible there might have been others before them?"
"There might have been a lot of things, Jon, but we're only supposed to deal in what we know," I replied. "The crack dealers I interviewed said they were the first. Cops in South Central said they were the first. and that they controlled the entire market. They wrote it in reports that we have. I haven't found anything saying otherwise, not one single name, and neither did the New York Times, the Washington Post or the L.A. Times. So what's the issue here?"
"But how can we say for sure they were the first?" Krim persisted. "Isn't it possible there might have been someone else and they never got caught and no one ever knew about them? In that case, your story would be wrong."
I had to take a deep breath to keep from shouting. "If you're asking me whether I accounted for people who might never have existed, the answer is no," I said. "I only considered people with names and faces. I didn't take phantom drug dealers into account."^[20]

James Aucoin, a communications professor who specializes in the history of investigative reporting, wrote: "In the case of Gary Webb's charges against the CIA and the Contras, the major dailies came after him. Media institutions are now part of the establishment and they have a lot invested in that establishment."^[19]

Book[edit]

In 1999, Seven Stories Press published Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion, Webb's book complete with extensive source citations.^[21] It received mixed reviews.
The book includes an account of a meeting between a pilot (who was making drug/arms runs between San Francisco and Costa Rica) with two Contra leaders who were also partners with the San Francisco-based Contra/drug smuggler Norwin Meneses. According to eyewitnesses, Ivan Gomez, identified by one of the Contras as a CIA agent, was allegedly present at the drug transactions. The pilot told Hitz that Gomez said he was there to "ensure that the profits from the cocaine went to the Contras and not into someone's pocket."
According to Webb, Judd Iverson, a San Francisco defense attorney who represented former Contra Julio Zavala, discovered compelling evidence demonstrating that "agents of the U.S. government were intricately involved in sanctioning cocaine trafficking to raise funds for Contra revolutionary activity."^[22] Soon after, members of the Justice Department persuaded U.S. District Court Judge Robert Peckham to seal the documents in the case.

Critics[edit]

Webb's reporting on the CIA's dealings with cocaine dealers was not without its critics. The Nation magazine contributor David Corn wrote, "t is only because of Webb that US citizens have 'confirmation from the CIA' that it partnered up with suspected drug traffickers in the just-say-no years and that the Reagan Administration, consumed with a desire to overthrow the Sandinistas in Nicaragua, allied itself with drug thugs." However, Corn also criticized Webb for overstating his case and for not proving "his more cinematic allegations."^[23]
Reason magazine's Glenn Garvin was critical of Webb's sources and of the evidence he presented. Garvin wrote that Webb's evidence that the Contra leadership was selling cocaine is almost entirely drawn from the claims of a few Nicaraguan traffickers facing long jail terms, and argued that they were using the CIA as a convenient scapegoat. Garvin also wrote that every guerrilla group, including the Mujahideen, FARC and Shining Path, has used the narcotics trade as a way of bolstering its funding efforts, and that far from the Contra-related drug trade being widespread it came down to a small handful of Contra pilots and their associates who were involved in narcotics. He also argued that while these covert narcotic relationships were alleged to be most rampant, the Contras had the least need for funds, as the United States was supplying them with millions of dollars a year in support. However, Garvin offers no evidence of his own that directly refutes Webb's documentation, and simply assumes Webb is wrong by relying on second hand mainstream sources. Garvin then states Webb's work is really about "vindicating the American left.""^[24]

Supporters and corroboration[edit]

According to historian Mark Fenster,^[25]
[T]he common view among unbiased journalists and researchers who have reviewed Webb's research and have expertise on the Contras and the CIA's role in Nicaragua is that the facts are basically correct and that Webb was an outstanding journalist. Webb's basic contention that there was a direct connection between the CIA, the Contras, the White House, and cocaine trafficking is supported by Webb's evidence. The historical consensus -- to the extent that such a thing is possible concerning controversial covert operations -- indicate that the basic outlines of the Mercury News stories were largely correct.
In 2006 the Los Angeles Times published The Truth in `Dark Alliance,' written by Nick Schou, in which L.A. Times Managing Editor Leo Wolinsky is quoted saying "in some ways, Gary got too much blame ... He did exactly what you expect from a great investigative reporter." The article surveys mainstream reporting at the time of Webb's pieces and states that while Webb had committed "hyperbole" and included some unproven allegations, articles by The New York Times "didn't include the success he achieved or the wrongs he righted – and they were considerable" according to Walt Bogdanich, now a New York Times editor, who had known Webb earlier.
The LA Times piece criticizes its own portrayal of Webb—"we dropped the ball"—and notes that "spurred on by Webb's story, the CIA conducted an internal investigation that acknowledged in March 1998 that the agency had covered up Contra drug trafficking for more than a decade" and concludes that "History will tell if Webb receives the credit he's due for prodding the CIA to acknowledge its shameful collaboration with drug dealers. Meanwhile, the journalistic establishment is only beginning to recognize that the controversy over 'Dark Alliance' had more to do with poor editing than bad reporting [on Webb's part]".^[26]
Writing in 2005 in the Chicago Tribune, about "the Dangers of Questioning Government Actions", Don Wycliff, the Tribune's public editor, wrote, "I still think Gary Webb had it mostly right. I think he got the treatment that always comes to those who dare question aloud the bona fides of the establishment: First he got misrepresented—his suggestion that the CIA tolerated the Contras' cocaine trading became an allegation that the agency itself was involved in the drug trade. Then he was ridiculed as a conspiracy-monger." ^[27]
Media critic Norman Solomon's analysis, "The Establishment's Papers Do Damage Control for the CIA", includes various corroborating evidence that an effort to discredit Webb was pursued more vigorously than the truth of some of Webb's allegations, including corroboration internal to one such paper, the Washington Post. Notes Solomon:^[28]

The Post's ombudsman, Geneva Overholser, was on target (11/10/96) when she re-raised the question of the U.S. government's relationship to drug smuggling and noted that the three newspapers "showed more passion for sniffing out the flaws in San Jose's answer than for sniffing out a better answer themselves."
Citing "strong previous evidence that the CIA at least chose to overlook contra involvement in the drug trade", Overholser found "misdirected zeal" in the Post's response to the Mercury News series: "Would that we had welcomed the surge of public interest as an occasion to return to a subject the Post and the public had given short shrift."

Investigation timeline[edit]

Facing increasing public scrutiny from the fallout after Webb's "Dark Alliance" series, the CIA conducted its own internal investigations. Investigative journalist Robert Parry credits Webb for being responsible for the following government investigations into the Reagan-Bush administration's conduct of the Contra war:

• On December 10, 1996, Los Angeles County Sheriff Sherman Block announced the conclusion of his investigation into the issue, publishing a summary of the investigation at a press conference. He announced at the press conference, "We have found no evidence that the government was involved in drug trafficking in South-Central." Nevertheless, the report included information that supported some of the charges. Charles Rappleye reported in the L.A. Weekly that Block's "unequivocal statement is not backed up by the report itself, which raises many questions."^[29] Much of the LAPD investigation centered on allegations made in a postscript article to the newspaper's "Dark Alliance" series.
  
• On January 29, 1998, Hitz published Volume One of his internal investigation. This was the first of two CIA reports that eventually substantiated many of Webb's claims about cocaine smugglers, the Nicaraguan Contra movement, and their ability to freely operate without the threat of law enforcement.^[30]
  
• On March 16, 1998, Hitz admitted that the CIA had maintained relationships with companies and individuals the CIA knew were involved in the drug business. Hitz told the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence that "there are instances where CIA did not, in an expeditious or consistent fashion, cut off relationships with individuals supporting the Contra program who were alleged to have engaged in drug-trafficking activity or take action to resolve the allegations."^[31] Senator Kerry reached similar conclusions a decade earlier in 1987.^[11]
  
• On May 7, 1998, Rep. Maxine Waters, revealed a memorandum of understanding between the CIA and the Justice Department from 1982, which was entered into the Congressional Record.^[32] This letter had freed the CIA from legally reporting drug smuggling by CIA assets, a provision that covered the Nicaraguan Contras and the Afghan rebels.^[33]
  
• On July 23, 1998, the Justice Department released a report by its Inspector General, Michael R. Bromwich. The Bromwich report claimed that the Reagan-Bush administration was aware of cocaine traffickers in the Contra movement and did nothing to stop the criminal activity. The report also alleged a pattern of discarded leads and witnesses, sabotaged investigations, instances of the CIA working with drug traffickers, and the discouragement of DEA investigations into Contra-cocaine shipments. The CIA's refusal to share information about Contra drug trafficking with law-enforcement agencies was also documented. The Bromwich report corroborated Webb's investigation into Norwin Meneses, a Nicaraguan drug smuggler.^[34]
  
• On October 8, 1998, CIA I.G. Hitz published Volume Two of his internal investigation. The report described how the Reagan-Bush administration had protected more than 50 Contras and other drug traffickers, and by so doing thwarted federal investigations into drug crimes. Hitz published evidence that drug trafficking and money laundering had made its way into Reagan's National Security Council where Oliver North oversaw the operations of the Contras.^[35] According to the report, the Contra war took precedence over law enforcement. To that end, the internal investigation revealed that the CIA routinely withheld evidence of Contra crimes from the Justice Department, Congress and even the analytical division of the CIA itself. Further, the report confirmed Webb's claims regarding the origins and the relationship of Contra fundraising and drug trafficking. The report also included information about CIA ties to other drug traffickers not discussed in the Webb series, including Moises Nunez and Ivan Gomez. More importantly, the internal CIA report documented a cover-up of evidence which had led to false intelligence assessments.
  

Aftermath and death[edit]

After quitting the San Jose Mercury News in December 1997, Webb went to work for the California Assembly Speaker's Office of Member Services and served as a consultant to the California State Legislature Task Force on Government Oversight. As a member of the Joint Legislative Audit Committee, Webb investigated charges that the Oracle Corporation received a no-bid contract award of $95 million in 2001 from former California Governor Gray Davis. Webb was hired by the Sacramento News and Review, after being laid off in 2003 with the rest of the former Speaker's staff as part of a house-cleaning when the new Speaker took over.^[36]
On December 10, 2004, Gary Webb was found dead from two gunshot wounds to the head.^[37] Sacramento County coroner Robert Lyons ruled that it was suicide, noting that a suicide note was found at the scene.^[37] Webb's ex-wife, Sue Webb (now Sue Stokes) said that Webb had been depressed for years over his inability to get a job at a daily newspaper: Webb continued to write, but financially could not support his family.^[37] He had also had his motorcycle stolen (it was recovered from the thief, a Sacramento local who specialized in grand theft, by his family after his death) and lost his home (due to a housing-market crash and his inability to get hired at a 'daily' newspaper) the week prior to his suicide. A final letter to his ex read, "Tell them I never regretted anything I wrote".
In April 2011, a second book-length collection of his articles spanning his entire career outside of the Dark Alliance series, entitled The Killing Game: Selected Stories from the Author of Dark Alliance, by Gary Webb and his youngest son, Eric Webb, was released by Seven Stories Press.^[38]

Posthumous recognition[edit]

In 2014 the movie Kill the Messenger was released from a Peter Landesman screenplay based on the Dark Alliance series, Webb's 1999 book of the same title, and Nick Schou's book, Kill the Messenger. The movie was directed by Michael Cuesta and starred Jeremy Renner as Webb.^[39] The news prompted Scott Herhold, Webb’s first editor at the Mercury-News, to write, "Gary Webb was a journalist of outsized talent. Few reporters I've known could match his nose for an investigative story. When he was engaged, he worked hard. He wrote well. But Webb had one huge blind side: He was fundamentally a man of passion, not of fairness. When facts didn't fit his theory, he tended to shove them to the sidelines." Herhold concluded, "He was no villain ... He was no hero either. Take it from someone who knew him well." Herhold, however, argued with Webb who went over his head drafting a long memo to Herhold's executive editor detailing Herhold's "sins as an editor".^[40] As Susan Paterno notes, while the Mercury News tried to distance itself from Webb once they began to be criticized, all of Webb's editors involved in the Dark Alliance series were eventually promoted and refused to discuss Webb or his work with Paterno in 2005.<sup>[

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gary_Webb</sup>

El periodista que sacó a la luz la conexión de la CIA y el crack
Recuerdos de Gary Webb
by Alan Goodman
Obrero Revolucionario #1264, 16 de enero, 2005, posted at rwor.org

OR: En vista de todos estos ataques, ¿por qué has decidido mantenerte firme y correr estos riesgos?
Gary Webb: Porque es la verdad

—Entrevista del OR a Gary Webb, 29 de junio de 1997
Cuando un amigo me llamó para decirme que Gary Webb falleció, pensé en el día de 1997 cuando lo entrevisté en un parque cerca de su casa en las afueras de Sacramento. Pensé en cuando le comenté que jugué un poco al hockey sobre hielo de niño, y Gary no dejaba de tratar de reclutarme para su liga de cuarentones.
Me asombró su vida contradictoria. Era un héroe para la gente de los ghettos porque sacó a luz los vínculos entre la CIA y el tráfico de cocaína, pero vivía casi en el campo, rodeado de gente conservadora, y dos veces a la semana manejaba 180 millas para jugar hockey.
Gary hizo carrera en la prensa burguesa y fue por casualidad que descubrió la mano de la CIA detrás de la epidemia de cocaína "crack". Era demasiado honrado y terco para hacer la vista gorda.
Ese día del año 1997, yo quería saber sobre la cocaína y la contra de Nicaragua, pero también quería saber qué lo motivaba.

Sale a flote la porquería

En el verano de 1996, el periódico Mercury News de San José, California, publicó tres artículos de la serie "Dark Alliance" de Gary Webb.
Webb documentó que a comienzos de los años 80 dos contrarrevolucionarios nicaragüenses llegaron a San Francisco con el plan de vender cocaína. Se conectaron con "Freeway" Ricky Ross, inundaron de drogas las calles de Los Ángeles y organizaron un "conducto" que trajo al país enormes cantidades de cocaína y, por primera vez, el precio se puso al alcance de la gente común. Las fuentes de Webb afirmaron que el coronel Enrique Bermúdez, agente de la CIA y líder de la contra, sabía que su dinero venía del narcotráfico.
Los narcodólares financiaron la compra de armas para la guerra de la contra (y la CIA) contra el gobierno sandinista de Nicaragua. Las drogas entraron a Estados Unidos con la ayuda de altos niveles del gobierno y fomentaron una explosión de "crack" en los barrios pobres. Así el ejército contrarrevolucionario de la CIA recibió fondos secretos para armarse sin que Reagan ni Bush tuvieran que financiar la guerra abiertamente.
La verdad que Gary sacó a flote era espeluznante.
Gary no fue el primer periodista que investigó a la contra ni los narcodólares. Varias fuentes de los medios grandes filtraron información aquí y allá, pero todos los intentos de publicar un análisis profundo en la prensa burguesa los suprimieron sistemáticamente.
Gary logró juntar las piezas porque los entrevistados (de vendedores presos en Estados Unidos a fuentes de Nicaragua) arriesgaron la vida para documentar y denunciar la conexión.
Gary me dijo: "Logramos demostrar dónde la cocaína se vendía, o sea, principalmente en los ghettos de Los Ángeles. Y demostramos las consecuencias: la horrible epidemia de ‘crack’ que surgió en Los Ángeles y que en los años siguientes se regó a centenares de ciudades por todo el país. Creo que eso es lo que más enfureció".

La verdad sobre la guerra contra la droga

Los artículos de Gary Webb y el libro que escribió más tarde, Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion (Alianza oscura – la CIA, la contra y la epidemia de cocaína "crack"), pusieron el dedo en la llaga porque salieron en medio de la "guerra contra la droga".
Gary Webb documentó el origen de la explosión de "crack" y el papel de la contra nicaragüense y de la CIA durante un período en que el gobierno atacaba, hostigaba y metía presa a toda una generación de los ghettos y barrios pobres. Mucha gente quedó horrorizada y enfurecida tras ver la hipocresía de la "guerra contra la droga": que fueron agentes del gobierno los que crearon las rutas principales del narcotráfico y abrieron las fronteras para recibir las drogas, ¡y los matones de la contra se llevaron el dinero de las ventas para financiar escuadrones de la muerte en Centroamérica!
Para millones de personas de la clase media, los artículos de Gary Webb, cuidadosamente documentados y publicados en un periódico respetado, refutaron la historia oficial que justificaba la ocupación policial brutal y masiva de los ghettos y barrios pobres. En el diario de cada mañana la clase media se enteró de que "su propio gobierno" pagó a terroristas y asesinos dirigidos por funcionarios de altos niveles oficiales, como el teniente coronel Oliver North, ayudante de Reagan. ¡Y que todo se financió secretamente mediante la venta de cocaína en barrios pobres! Era una perspectiva nueva y asombrosa sobre el gobierno (que supuestamente merecía respeto) y la situación de los oprimidos y explotados (quienes supuestamente merecían temor y desprecio).
Para los que vivían bajo la bota de la "guerra contra la droga", los artículos de Gary fueron una confirmación. Comprobaron que era cierto lo que ellos veían a diario y sospechaban que estaba pasando a puertas cerradas en la CIA, la DEA y otras dependencias policiales. El impacto fue similar al video de la golpiza a Rodney King: fue una confirmación innegable de la realidad de su vida, expuesta ante todo el mundo.
Pasó lo inconcebible: el 15 de noviembre de 1996, el director de la CIA, John Deutch, se vio obligado a ir a Sur Centro de Los Ángeles a confrontar a centenares de residentes en un "foro abierto" con el propósito de apaciguar el explosivo coraje que prendieron los artículos de Webb. ¿Cuántas veces el director de la CIA ha ido en peregrinación al ghetto a negar públicamente los ultrajes que esta comete?

El inevitable contraataque

Para la estructura del poder, la serie de artículos de Gary fue intolerable. Sus fuentes en Centroamérica sufrieron constantes amenazas.
Los grandes medios de comunicación, en particular los periódicos New York Times y Washington Post, analizaron y cuestionaron cada dato de los artículos de Webb (¡con un método que ciertamente no aplican a las ridículas mentiras de Bush, Powell y el resto de esa camarilla!). Rush Limbaugh, un notorio locutor derechista, lo atacó por la radio.
Nada de esto refutó ni desmintió los hechos básicos de los artículos de Webb. Sin embargo, la redacción del Mercury News claudicó ante la presión y retractó unas partes de la serie.
Un poco más tarde, los jefes del Mercury News transfirieron a Gary a una oficina lejana. Se negaron a publicar cuatro artículos de la serie. Resuelto a defender y completar su análisis, Gary escribió el libro Dark Alliance – The CIA, the Contras and the Crack Cocaine Explosion .
El periódico USA Today señaló que el tema del libro "duele como un cuchillo al corazón de los afroamericanos". La congresista negra Maxine Waters comentó que "la historia recordará que Gary Webb escribió la verdad". La organización de prensa FAIR dijo que "la evidencia de Webb es convincente y sus conclusiones alarmantes".
Gary Webb pagó un precio personal por su trabajo. Durante la entrevista, tenía plena conciencia de que muchos mueren por hacer denuncias así. Le preocupaba mucho la seguridad física de sus fuentes en Centroamérica y en las cárceles. La DEA allanó las oficinas del representante literario que le ayudaba a publicar el libro.
Un poco antes de la entrevista, un vehículo militar sacó de la carretera el carro de un socio de Gary en Nicaragua. La prensa derechista de Nicaragua informó que como el Mercury News retractó partes de la serie, tampoco iba a defender a Gary en caso de una demanda... animando a entablar demandas.
Como consecuencia de haber escrito los artículos y el libro Dark Alliance , los grandes medios de comunicación no quisieron darle trabajo. A comienzos de este año, lo echaron de su trabajo de investigador para la legislatura del estado de California.
Aquí vuelvo a la otra historia: la del periodista que busca la verdad y que, al encontrarla, no se deja silenciar.
Me puse en contacto con Gary para hacer una "Entrevista del OR". Queríamos darle la oportunidad de hablar a fondo, sin las presiones y la censura de los grandes medios de comunicación.
Para ser franco, yo no sabía cómo iba a reaccionar a la invitación de una entrevista con este periódico comunista revolucionario, y más porque estaba bajo ataque. Pero poco después, Gary me contestó con entusiasmo que sí. Al hablarme, me contó su vida.
Nunca fue radical. Trabajó para periódicos como el Kentucky Post y el Cleveland Plain Dealer, yrealizó periodismo investigativo sobre criminales organizados en la industria del carbón. Era del equipo de periodistas galardonados por el reportaje sobre el terremoto de Loma Prieta.
Gary no salió a buscar la verdad de la epidemia del "crack". Todo empezó cuando escribió un artículo sobre cómo la policía usaba las leyes de confiscación de drogas para allanar casas y robar pertenencias.
Ese artículo animó a una joven a contactarlo para decir que su novio fue víctima de eso. De paso, ella mencionó que un testigo contra su novio había colaborado con la CIA vendiendo "un chingo" de drogas. Para Gary, esto puso en marcha un viaje de descubrimiento a las zonas de guerra de Centroamérica y las ciudades de Estados Unidos... un viaje que llevó a verdades muy tapadas.
Gary me dijo: "La gente tiene que enterarse de estos hechos, no solo para (a) entender lo que pasó, sino también (b) porque hay que pedir cuentas".
Más tarde dedicó su libro a la gente, "la mayoría pobres y negros", que "pagó un precio enorme" por la conexión contra/cocaína.
A Gary lo encontraron muerto de un balazo el 10 de diciembre de 2004. Los medios de comunicación informaron que por lo visto se suicidó. Su muerte es una pérdida trágica y dolorosa. Su investigación sobre la CIA y el "crack" dejó una huella profunda en la conciencia de muchos sectores. La verdad que destapó está bajo ataque, pero ya no la pueden tapar. Su valor e integridad periodística son un reto para todos los periodistas en este tiempo de mentiras, represión e ignorancia obligatoria.
Pueden encontrar la entrevista a Gary Webb y artículos sobre la conexión CIA/cocaína en rwor.org/s/cia_s.htm. (¡Denlo a conocer!)

http://revcom.us/a/1264/gary-webb-recuerdos-s.htm

La CIA, lógicamente debe infilitrarse para combatir desde dentro. Así fue que cogieron a tu ídolo Fidel, qua junto con las FARC, están embarrados en eso y hay miles y miles de pruebas que tú no mencionas. Tal vez porque tu provincia sea el Medellín de la droga colombiana en España  y destapes demasiadas pistas que lleven a cualquier familia, incluyendola tuya. Y mi tal vez  es un tal vez, recogido en la gramática española.

CalaveraDeFidel escribió:La CIA, lógicamente debe infilitrarse para combatir desde dentro. Así fue que cogieron a tu ídolo Fidel, qua junto con las FARC, están embarrados en eso y hay miles y miles de pruebas que tú no mencionas. Tal vez porque tu provincia sea el Medellín de la droga colombiana en España  y destapes demasiadas pistas que lleven a cualquier familia, incluyendola tuya. Y mi tal vez  es un tal vez, recogido en la gramática española.

Una joya de respuesta.

La CIA, lógicamente debe dedicarse al narcotráfico, además dentro de los propios EEUU, para armar terroristas contra el gobierno legítimo de Nicaragua: el gobierno sandinista entonces, el mismo que perdió elecciones y dejó paso a la derecha de Violeta Chamorro y el mismo que fue elegido de nuevo para gobernar.

En cambio, la CIA no hacía nada, ni legal ni gravemente ilegal, como en el caso del que hablamos, para derribar a la dictadura de los Somoza, la que había antes de que los sandinistas la derrocaran.

La CIA es una organización criminal al servicio del imperialismo yankee. Tú, un lameculos del poder, del verdadero poder.

FIDEL CASTRO SE DEDICO AL NARCOTRAFICO , MUCHO TIEMPO, TU HAS DENUNCIADO ESO???

Por supuesto que no,  y es un hecho comprobado, USA los acuso, al almirante no recuerdo el nobre, a raul castro y demas....hay muchos testimonies, PERO EL MAS GRANDE ES LO DICHO EN EL JUICIO AL GENERAL OCHOA, PAQUETES DE DINERO ERAN ENTREGADOS A CASTRO, TODOS A EL , MIGAJAS FUE LO QUE SE QUEDARON ESOS NARCOTRAFICANTES AL SERVICIO DE CASTRO...EL HECHO DE RECIBIR DINERO A MONTONES Y HACER LA VISTA GORDA ES MAS QUE INCRIMINATORIO, EL QUE CREA LOS CUENTOS CHINOS DE ESOS ES PORQUE NO TIENE DOS NEURONAS EN SU CEREBRO.

Yo no sé si Fidel Castro hizo eso. Sé lo que digo, y punto.

Sócrates escribió:Yo no sé si Fidel Castro hizo eso. Sé lo que digo, y punto.

Pues informate
Hasta Fidel mandó matar a uno para quedar bien con los pendejos

04
2013

El día que Fidel Castro sucumbió a la cocaína

Ordenó a un general mantener contacto con los narcotraficantes y luego lo ejecutó por alta traición.

En julio de 1989 el gobierno de Fidel Castro ejecutó al general Arnaldo Ochoa y al coronel Antonio de la Guardia por delitos vinculados al narcotráfico. Hubo consternación y se instaló por un tiempo la discusión sobre la pena de muerte y los alcances de la misericordia y respeto de los de derechos humanos por parte de la revolución cubana, o sea, de la dictadura que lidera Castro.
Ochoa era un héroe de la revolución, había estado con Fidel en Sierra Maestra cuando los barbudos eran unos pocos soñadores contra la dictadura de Fulgencio Batista. Durante el juicio, que fue televisado y que duró más de un mes, el propio Ochoa pidió la pena de muerte por haber traicionado a la revolución y haber traficado con cocaína.
Ya entonces los más desconfiados señalaban que Ochoa se perfilaba como un hombre fuerte dentro del régimen y que podía hacer sombra a los hermanos Castro. Para cualquier analista imparcial el accionar de Ochoa y de otros militares cubanos se presentaba suicida en medio de un régimen policíaco como el cubano y la duda que quedó flotando fue que habían estado recaudando para la corona. En Montevideo aparecieron pintadas bromeando con el hecho de que la revolución y la cocaína se mezclaran: “Ochoa, de tus manos tomamos la jeringa”.
Pasados los años, algunos autores que escribieron sobre la vida de los narcotraficantes colombianos dieron cuenta del estrecho vínculo que estos mafiosos tuvieron con el régimen de Castro.Pero hace unos meses apareció un libro publicado por la editorial Debate en el que Ayda Levy, viuda de Roberto Suárez Gómez. el boliviano conocido como “el rey de la cocaína” en los 80 y 90, cuenta en detalle cómo se dio el vínculo del general Ochoa con los narcos de la región.
Suárez Gómez no tuvo la fama de otros narcos que actuaron de manera más resonante pero jugó un papel central en el inicio del tráfico de cocaína hacia Estados Unidos ya que poseía inmensas propiedades de territorio donde se cultivaba hojas de coca, la materia prima del adictivo polvo blanco.
Suárez Gómez provenía de una familia de multimillonarios con negocios en haciendas, caucho y ganadería y casi puso de rodillas a los pesados capos colombianos que le pedían precios más bajos por la hoja o por la pasta base de cocaína. Suárez Gómez decía que el dinero que entraba por esta vía combatía la pobreza en Bolivia y propuso al gobierno de su país pagar la deuda externa.
En el citado libro su viuda cuenta relatos que lo vinculan con el asesino nazi Klaus Barbie, con el corrupto coronel estadounidense Oliver North y con el banquero de la mafia y vinculado al Vaticano, Roberto Calvi.
En uno de los capítulos Levy cuenta que Suárez Gómez y el narco colombiano Pablo Escobar viajaron a Cuba y se entrevistaron con el mismísimo Fidel Castro para cerrar un negocio: Cuba permitiría pasar por sus cielos y playas a aeronaves que llenaban con cocaína a los Estados Unidos. Los narcotraficantes le pagaban a Fidel un millón de dólares por día.
Levy cuenta que Fidel dispuso que el contacto directo con su marido lo estableciera el general Ochoa. Cuenta Levy que Fidel dijo: “Ochoa, me cuidas a estos señores con tu vida. A partir de hoy, ellos valen más para Cuba que Vasili Kuznetsov y el Sóviet Supremo juntos”. El líder cubano aludía a la decadente ayuda que los soviéticos le daban a Cuba por esos años.
En 1989 algo falló. No se sabe a ciencia cierta por qué, ya que en las dictaduras suele pasar eso, no se sabe casi nada, el gobierno puso a Ochoa y a otros militares en el banquillo. Según lo que ahora se empieza a conocer, Fidel sabía que Ochoa tenía contacto con los traficantes, él se lo había ordenado, a pesar de lo cual lo hizo ejecutar en una madrugada cubana acusándolo de haber violado los principios sagrados de una revolución que en algún momento aspiró a construir "el hombre nuevo". 
(Lea un tramo del mencionado libro aquí)

http://www.elobservador.com.uy/zikitipiu/post/700/el-dia-que-fidel-castro-sucumbio-a-la-cocaina/